.@HiddenArchitect ::: #PREVI: #Vivienda_de_bajo_costo: NUNCA_MODERNOS, superando la #ortodoxia de varios #postulados para adaptar las #características_URBANAS a las #condiciones_LOCALES.

This article is part of #Never_Modern, a series curated by #Hidden_Architecture where we explore the conditions of several #urban_projects from 1950s onwards that, starting from the hypothesis of the #Modern_Movement, they surpassed its #orthodoxy to adapt the #urban_features to #local_conditions.

“After the initial works carried out by the constructor, it is thought that the remaining works on the ground floor and on the first floor will be carried out, in their style, by the owners themselves.

The diagram of the house growth shows, according to self-construction phases, the process of a house for 4 people until completing a house on the ground floor (8 people or more). This is understood as the growth type method. From now on the extension takes place on the first floor, either as an independent dwelling, or, in the case of large families, such as extra bedrooms and living areas, in which case the ground floor could be used for other purposes such as garage, store , stockage …

The minimum housing, for 4 people, presents the kitchen, the dining room and the living room all combined. As the house increases in size and is able to accommodate 6 people, the dining room and living room are separated from the kitchen by means of a wall and doors. The wall occupies a new position at the time when the house must accommodate 8 people, getting a bigger living room just as the families also get bigger. (…)

(…)All the houses have two main entrances on the front, one directly to the living area (social / traditional), another (functional) in the circulation area, leading to the staircase and the garden courtyard, through the service.

The initial works assigned to the builder benefit from large-scale production (cost and speed of execution); they consist of housing units that are assembled based on prefabricated concrete walls and slabs. The party walls and exterior walls are of sandwich type, precast, leaning on beams supported by the land. They are also equipped with the relevant openings for doors and windows.

As the rooms are clustered around the landscaped courtyard, also groups of houses of various sizes are associated in community and social spaces of different categories. The hierarchy is developed from the personal house to the neighboring houses, forming an initial cluster of four around the common party walls that surround the service patios. In turn, the groupings of four houses congregate around a common entrance courtyard, so that they make up another higher order composed of 20 or 21 houses. “

James Stirling

James Stirling

In each of the different human societies throughout history, at least for a large part of it, housing is conceived as a living organism that evolves at the same time as the community, family or not, evolves. blanket. It will be already with the birth of what we know as modern societies, under the umbrella of a liberal economy that prioritizes the value of change over the value of use, when there is a notable fracture between housing and human being. The needs to which housing typologies will begin to respond will be different from those that were regulated according to the biological sense of the communities.

From the first cabin rediscovered by Laugier, or its complementary space dug from earth, to popular models that still survive supported by a vernacular culture in underdeveloped societies and always placed outside the market, the domestic space has incorporated in some way time as a factor of project and reason for being. When housing is conceived as a totally enclosed and finished space, denying any possibility of reconfiguration or growth in the future, it denies to itself the first cause of its existence: to serve as an organic shelter for a social structure that is so.

The houses that the market offers in advanced societies are already finished products even before knowing, as if they could know, the tenants that will lodge. The possibilities that they offer do not respond in any case to the needs that their future inhabitants could have. Its spatial or structural characteristics come from market studies of economic profitability, but rarely from others of sociological origin. Thus, the inhabitants of a house grow, add or subtract individuals over time, their characteristics and physical, environmental or psychological needs mutate within a space that does not have the ability to be modified easily, to accommodate unforeseen situations necessarily happenning throughout the course of a life.

Due to its precariousness and its external position regarding the flows of the market, the informal world of the most disadvantaged social classes is denied the possibility of access to “decent” housing. Based on the need and the almost total lack of resources or tools, housing models of a minimum material quality are developed in this context, in most cases, but with a spatial and evolutionary potential much greater than those of any another housing model belonging to the system. These small constructions present an organic behavior, grow and develop according to the needs and possibilities of their inhabitants, starting from minimal cells that become more complex as the family unit also does it. In this context, housing continues to be an organic being capable of being synchronized with the needs of the community that inhabits it.

The humble neighborhoods of  Lima outskirts, like so many other cities, have developed from their origins in this context of informality and precariousness. The competition organized in the 60s, PREVI, aimed to respond to a need for housing with a minimum of material quality resolved with minimal resources. The novelty, its structural vocation from the beginning to incorporate time as a project element in the development of the neighborhood and housing. Thus, flexibility, versatility or mutation capacity are transferred from the informal to the academic or professional world, guaranteeing a qualified architectural response.

In spite of currently presenting a hardly recognizable aspect, the houses that James Stirling executed in the PREVI neighborhood are probably the ones that solved in a more successful way the problem of guaranteeing flexibility and mutability over time. James Stirling was very clear that his proposal should be only a beginning, a base, which would be completely hidden by multiple layers and diluted in its appearance, but not in its presence. Although the houses would be developed according to the possibilities, and also tastes, of the inhabitants, the minimum cell proposed by Stirling had to remain and govern the subsequent growth. This somewhat infrastructural character, as Stan Allen would define decades later, of the domestic space is the fudamental success of the proposal of the english architect. Prior to the presentation of the proposals, James Stirling looked carefully and studied some informal neighborhoods in Lima. The main conclusion drawn from this analysis was that the uncontrolled growth of housing caused domestic and urban spaces of zero quality, totally inadequate for the proper development of a community. What could be considered from the beginning as a positive quality, flexibility over time, became the cause of all evils if it developed without control. Surely the greatest success of the approach of the PREVI competition was to generate a dialogue between this informal world of great potential but no resources and the academic sphere, with sufficient tools but approaches to housing problems too canonical or dictated by models that the market itself defines.

How does James Stirling manage to guarantee a capacity for growth and change over time without negatively affecting the environmental quality of the home? The answer was not found, of course, too far. The typology of courtyard housing is present since the beginning of humanity. The understanding of this typology from an “infrastructural” approach allowed James Stirling to redefine what had always occurred in vernacular architecture: the main courtyard, defined a priori by the structure of the dwelling itself, is the catalyst and controller of the buildings progressive growths. Provided that the patio is never occupied, different rooms can appear as new cells on a single level or, once one is fulfilled, make the house grow in height. Each of the interior rooms enjoy in this circumstance natural lighting and cross ventilation.

The key to the success of James Stirling’s proposal was undoubtedly to place the patio in a central position in each of the plots, making the prefabricated concrete structure that would support the successive growths define the emptiness itself as the heart of the living place. Thus, the horizontal structure will always be placed from the perimeter of the patio to the outer perimeter of the plot, guaranteeing that the central chore always conserves its organizing essence. Linking the community space of the house, the patio, with an infrastructural understanding of the domestic typology facilitated a growth always from the order, from a strongly defined base in an initial state. As the community appropriated these spaces and these housing units, the aesthetic appearance of the dwellings, especially the facades, changed completely. However, the ability of the patio to regulate growth has allowed all to retain their spatial structure despite having exhausted growth in height. This special feature has provided a great versatility of use to these structures, having been for example reconverted one of them in a small school.

Unfortunately, experiments such as PREVI had a very limited scope and no impact beyond the academic world. The rules of purchase-sale of the market with often speculative aim do not leave space for a typological innovation that returns the organic and human nature to the domestic space.

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ISSN 2530-8904

EDITORS

Alberto Martínez García (Madrid, Spain. 1988)

Architect from the Higher Technical School of Architecture of Madrid (ETSAM) and Master of Architecture II post-professional degree from The Cooper Union (New York). Currently living and working in New York, I have previously worked and lived in Shanghai, Amsterdam, Portugal, England, and Madrid. My interests include the importance of history in contemporary architecture, the evolution of housing, and the expression of contemporary culture on a small scale such as interior and product design.
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Héctor Rivera Bajo (Ciudad Real, Spain. 1987)

 Architect from Higher Technical School of Architecture of Alcalá (ETSAUAH). After some years of studying and working at Lisboa and Madrid, I am currently settled down in Zürich. My interests are focused on the use of certain spatial patterns within the domesticity realm to trace Territorial Hierarchies and produce identity by social and community space. This approach to the Infrastructural Nature of Architecture must be considered from a critical attitude in regard to architectural historiography.


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FORMER COLLABORATORS

Biljana Janjušević

Marta López García

Ángela Parra Sánchez–Moliní 

Matthew Bellomy

Alexandrina Marinova

Germán Andrés Chacón

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